Jul 202024
 


John French Sloan Election night 1907 1907

 

“We Rise Together, Or We Fall Apart” (Downey)
The Ballot or the Bullet (Kochin)
Secret Service Absent From Trump Rally – Whistleblowers To Senator (RT)
Trump Was ‘Badass’ – Zuckerberg (RT)
Biden Orders Poll On Harris’ Popularity (RT)
Americans Betting Against Biden (RT)
“Absolutely” In The Race: Biden Campaign Calls Malarkey On MSM Reports (ZH)
Biden Feels ‘Betrayed’ By Democrats – NBC (RT)
Biden Appears to Accept He Won’t Win in November, May Drop Out of Race (Sp.)
Slowly, Then All at Once (Kunstler)
Even A Dead Man Could Become US President – Tucker Carlson (RT)
Putting Ukraine First ‘A Middle Finger In The Face’ Of Americans – Carlson (RT)
Trump Holds ‘Very Good’ Phone Call With Zelensky (RT)
Sorry, We Want War: Why EU Elites Will Ignore Hungary’s Orban (Marsden)
Hunter Biden Challenges the Constitutionality of the Special Counsel (Turley)

 

 

 

 

Chris Martenson swears there were multiple shooters.

 

 

Dana White
https://twitter.com/i/status/1814125694818959805

 

 

Tucker

 

 

Rogan
https://twitter.com/i/status/1814363534446268859

 

 

Dore

 

 

Ritter

 

 

 

 

“He seemed to embrace humility. I imagine being millimeters away from an assassin’s bullet has that kind of an effect on a person.”

“We Rise Together, Or We Fall Apart” (Downey)

Trump took to the stage with a bandage covering the wound left by the would-be assassin’s bullet. He kicked off his mesmerizing speech by thanking the GOP for the nomination and promising to stand for all Americans, stating: “We rise together or we fall apart.” Trump’s speech was unlike any of his others. It lacked the bombast and sarcasm of earlier speeches, which I find entertaining. Instead, it focused on unity. Trump discussed the attempt on his life in Butler, Pa., on July 13, which Catherine wrote about here in more detail. “I’m not supposed to be here tonight. Not supposed to be here. Thank you, but I’m not, and I’ll tell you, I stand before you in this arena only by the grace of Almighty God watching.” He pensively described the attack that could have ended his life and altered American history forever. Trump stated, “I’m not supposed to be here tonight,” and the crowd responded with, “Yes, you are. Yes, you are!”

I can’t lie; I got a little weepy at that point. I can remain calm at funerals and Hallmark commercials, but for some reason patriotism makes me misty. Trump commended his Bulter audience for not stampeding out in panic and praised their bravery under fire. He paid homage to the patriotic firefighter Corey Comperatore, who was killed at the rally while shielding his family from the miscreant’s bullets, calling for a moment of silence for the slain husband and father of two daughters. In the case of Corey and the other two, by the way, they were very, very seriously injured, but now they’re doing very well. They’re going to be okay. They’re warriors. So now I ask that we observe a moment of silence in honor of our friend, Corey. Trump spent much of his time thanking his followers, the Secret Service, and his family, who have been dragged through a mud pile throughout Trump’s numerous Stalin-like trials. Trump promised to secure the borders and return patriotism to our schools after we “rescue the nation.”

Trump declared he would close the border and make America prosperous again. He took minor jabs at the Biden administration while only naming him once. If Democrats want to unify our country, they should drop these parties and witch hunts, which I have been going through for approximately eight years, and they should do that without delay and allow an election to proceed on this journey. He gave hope to a nation that just saw him take a bullet and then stand up and pump his fist while yelling, “FIGHT, FIGHT, FIGHT!” Trump gave what some would call a kinder, gentler speech while invigorating We the People to take our nation back on Election Day. He seemed to embrace humility. I imagine being millimeters away from an assassin’s bullet has that kind of an effect on a person.

Trump declared that illegal immigrants were stealing jobs from black and Hispanic communities. Someone yelled, “Blacks for Trump!” Trump responded with, “I like you too!” Trump briefly mentioned the 2020 election and stated it would not happen again, an obvious reference to what some believe was a rigged election. As Trump was winding down, he managed to score a few laughs, especially when joking about MS-13 and the chart that he “never really got to see,” referring to the moment the domestic terrorist tried to kill him as he looked at the now famous statistical chart displayed at the rally. He also killed with what is likely an ad-lib line about Hannibal Lecter. In his closing moments, Trump promised to “drill baby, drill, and close the border.”

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“It is time to man up, stop blaming others, and figure out what we ourselves have done or not done that made this attack and the inciting rhetoric that led to it possible.”

The Ballot or the Bullet (Kochin)

Saturday’s attempted assassination of President Trump killed one rallygoer, a father of two who died shielding his children from the assassin, and critically wounded two others. President Trump miraculously escaped with a slight wound in one ear, and in the photo of the century, he stood up from under the swarm of secret service agents, literally bloody but unbowed, raised his right hand in a fist, and mouthed, “Fight! Fight! Fight!” Some of Mr. Trump’s partisan critics attacked Mr. Trump’s “violent rhetoric.” Of course, none of them squawked when President Biden said on Monday before the attack that “we’re done talking about the debate, it’s time to put Trump in a bullseye.” We do not know, and may never know, whether the murderer perceived that he was simply following an order from his Commander in Chief. It is time to man up, stop blaming others, and figure out what we ourselves have done or not done that made this attack and the inciting rhetoric that led to it possible.

The hard truth is that it is our weakness, not our extremism or our own “violent rhetoric,” that invited this attack. The regime media from the top down, in The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The New Republic, on television and on social media, have repeatedly called Mr. Trump a fascist, compared him to Hitler, and called for his elimination from the race by any means necessary. We know that nothing Mr. Trump did or said, and nothing we, his partisans, have done or said, can be called the true cause of this kind of talk. We know that because the same outlets said the same kinds of things about other Republican leaders, from Thomas Dewey to Mitt Romney. Democrats talk this way about Republicans because they are not afraid of the consequences of talking that way. The party that banned God from the schoolroom and forbade public worship has no fear of God, who sees and punishes the deceitful, and has no fear of us.

They believe, correctly, that they can, without fear of us, delegitimize elections by effectively licensing fraud and intimidation of voters, and that they can turn mobs on synagogue-goers and conservative speakers. Too many Democrats live their lives in media, public “service,” nonprofit or academic echo chambers in which everyone either amens such transgressions or is silenced by fear of violence or corporate HR. Ignore the hysterics about “violent rhetoric.” Politics is about violence, about the control and deployment of the force of the community for the ends of the community. Free and fair elections, free discussion, and even the right of the people to peaceably assemble come not from rhetorical or actual disarmament. These necessary features of free government come from a balance of terror that produces mutual fear and, thus, mutual respect.

Sadly, in western countries, including the United States, that balance of terror does not exist. MAGA may have guns, but our anti-populist, that is to say anti-democratic rivals, have the secret police, the intelligence services, and, when necessary, Antifa, the stormtroopers of the woke capital, ever ready at the nod of the authorities or the regime media to target peaceful opposition. We who fear God have to be better than them, but that also means we have to be at least as frightening as them. As Malcolm X said sixty years ago, it is always and everywhere “the ballot or bullet.” It is better to fight it out with violent rhetoric and ballots than with bullets, but that is only possible, Malcolm X explains, as long as every side fears what their rivals could do should they become enemies.

Yes, my friends, we have to fight. We have to fight for the right to speak and to be heard, for the right to rally for our candidates and our beliefs, and for the right to wear a red hat in every corner of this great land. The only way that we can maintain our right to fight this “campaign” without resorting to actual violence is to frighten our rivals into refraining from violence, even when they know that the media and “authorities” will take their side. In this struggle, there is no substitute for courage, but there is also no substitute for brains about when and how to show fight. Our situation is not yet desperate, and to make sure it never becomes so, we must manifest both menace and discipline.

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Too many things went wrong.

Secret Service Absent From Trump Rally – Whistleblowers To Senator (RT)

Most of the security personnel working at the Donald Trump rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, during which the Republican presidential candidate was shot, weren’t even Secret Service, US Senator Josh Hawley has claimed, citing whistleblowers. Shots fired from the roof of a nearby factory nicked Trump’s ear, killed one audience member, and injured two more before the sniper was taken out by law enforcement. “Whistleblowers tell me that MOST of Trump’s security detail working the event last Saturday were not even Secret Service,” Hawley, a Republican from Missouri, said on Friday, accusing the Department of Homeland Security of assigning “unprepared and inexperienced personnel” to the campaign rally.

In a public letter to DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, Hawley said whistleblowers with “direct knowledge of the event” told him that the majority of the security detail “were not in fact USSS agents but instead drawn from the department’s Homeland Security Investigations (HSI).” According to the whistleblowers, the security did not use dogs to monitor the area, allowed people without proper badges to access the backstage, did not have people stationed around the perimeter or deployed around the podium, among other things. Hawley is a member of the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, and notified Mayorkas that he will fully protect these whistleblowers, while continuing to investigate the “staggering security failures on July 13.” He demanded answers on the whistleblowers’ claims from Mayorkas within seven days.

The building from which Thomas Matthew Crooks opened fire had been the base for local law enforcement helping with security. It remains a mystery how he managed to get onto the roof undetected by the authorities, and stay there despite civilians repeatedly warning the police and the Secret Service for almost 20 minutes before he fired. Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle has tried to explain the absence of Secret Service personnel on that particular roof by claiming it was too sloped and posed a safety risk. Unconvinced, the House Oversight Committee has issued a subpoena to compel her to testify before Congress under oath. Trump turned his head to the right at the very last moment, so the bullet intended for his head missed. After security swarmed the former president, he got up, raised a fist, and told his followers to “fight.” Republicans confirmed him as their presidential nominee at this week’s national convention in Milwaukee.

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Don’t think he’ll spend another $420 million this election.

Trump Was ‘Badass’ – Zuckerberg (RT)

Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg has described Donald Trump’s defiant reaction to last Saturday’s assassination attempt as “badass.” While the tech billionaire stopped short of endorsing the Republican frontrunner for the presidency, he noted that many Americans have found Trump’s response inspiring. The former president narrowly escaped death at a campaign rally near Butler, Pennsylvania on Saturday, when 20-year-old Thomas Matthew Crooks opened fire on him with an AR-15-style rifle from a nearby rooftop. A bullet grazed Trump’s right ear before Secret Service agents killed his would-be assassin. The incident left one rally attendee dead and two others injured. Trump was rushed from the scene by his security detail, but was seen raising his fist and chanting “fight, fight” to the crowd as he was taken off the stage.

“Seeing Donald Trump get up after getting shot in the face and pump his fist in the air with the American flag is one of the most badass things I’ve ever seen in my life,” Zuckerberg said at Meta Platforms Inc. headquarters in Menlo Park, California on Thursday. “On some level as an American, it’s like hard to not get kind of emotional about that spirit and that fight, and I think that that’s why a lot of people like the guy,” the entrepreneur added. Zuckerberg insisted, however, that he was not planning to be involved in the upcoming US presidential election in any way. There will be less political content on Facebook going forward, he added, citing users’ wishes. “I think you’re going to see our services play less of a role in this election than they have in the past,” the Meta CEO concluded. Trump has repeatedly lashed out at Zuckerberg after Meta suspended his Facebook and Instagram accounts for two years in the wake of the January 6, 2021, Capitol riots.

Back in March, the Republican firebrand described Facebook as the “enemy of the people.” Another tech billionaire, SpaceX and Tesla CEO Elon Musk, wrote on X (formerly Twitter) following the assassination attempt last weekend that he “fully endorse[s] President Trump and hope[s] for his rapid recovery.” While Musk has repeatedly criticized President Joe Biden’s administration since 2022, his relations with Trump have grown increasingly close of late, several media outlets have claimed in recent weeks. On Monday, the Wall Street Journal reported that Musk plans to donate around $45 million a month to a new super political action committee backing Trump. However, the tech tycoon dismissed the report as fake news.

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So we can all see how upopular she is?!

Biden Orders Poll On Harris’ Popularity (RT)

US President Joe Biden has commissioned a survey to get a clearer picture of Vice President Kamala Harris’ popularity, ABC News has reported, citing an anonymous senior administration official. The source reportedly told the outlet that despite putting on a brave face publicly, the 81-year-old Democrat has recently become more receptive to calls urging him to exit the presidential race ahead of the November 5 election. Questions as to whether Biden is fit for a second term have been overshadowing his campaign since he bungled a performance at last month’s CNN-hosted debate against Republican frontrunner Donald Trump. During the event, the incumbent repeatedly lost his train of thought, mixed up words and numbers, and struggled to finish his sentences. On Friday, ABC News quoted an unnamed White House staffer as saying that the “president is wiped and exhausted.”

They added that his recent COVID-19 diagnosis “gives him a chance to bring people together, have conversations and think while he recovers in Delaware.” Biden canceled a campaign event in Las Vegas on Wednesday and self-isolated, after he tested positive for the virus. Meanwhile, a poll conducted by the AP-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research between July 11 and July 15 among 1,253 adults indicated that about 6 in 10 Democrats believe Harris would make a good president. However, among the general US population, only 3 in 10 respondents view the current vice president as a good replacement for Biden, the survey suggested. Harris has publicly pledged loyalty to Biden, emerging as one of his staunchest defenders in recent weeks.

According to the same AP-NORC survey, at least 7 out of 10 respondents believe the incumbent should bow out of the race. Among Democrats, the figure is only slightly lower at 65%, the poll showed. In the wake of last month’s disastrous debate, a number of high-ranking Democratic Party members and campaign donors have called on Biden not to seek a second term in office. Yet the veteran politician has been adamant in public that he is not dropping out, and is the best Democratic candidate to beat the GOP frontrunner. However, on Thursday, Axios quoted unnamed friends and associates as suggesting that the president may end his campaign as soon as this weekend.

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“The betting site also put Trump’s chances of winning the November election at 66%. Vice President Kamala Harris [..] was at only 18%..”

Americans Betting Against Biden (RT)

The odds of Joe Biden dropping out of the US presidential race reached as high as 84% on Friday, according to the predictive betting site Polymarket. The 81-year-old incumbent president has been quarantined at his Delaware home since Wednesday, after testing positive for Covid-19. Calls for him to make way for another Democrat have grown louder since last Saturday’s attempted assassination of his Republican rival Donald Trump. “His soul-searching is actually happening, I know that for a fact,” Reuters reported on Friday, citing a source within the Biden campaign. “He’s thinking about this very seriously.” Polymarket had Biden’s odds of dropping out at 19% ahead of the June 27 debate. They have since spiked to 84%, but leveled out at around 70% as of Friday afternoon.

The betting site also put Trump’s chances of winning the November election at 66%. Vice President Kamala Harris, the most likely Democrat to replace Biden at the top of the ticket, was at only 18%. Democrats have pushed back the virtual vote to anoint Biden as the nominee, originally planned to take place before the convention. A long train of lawmakers, donors and party power-brokers have been pressuring Biden to suspend his re-election bid in recent weeks. Former President Barack Obama, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi have all reportedly urged Biden to let someone else face Trump in November – while serving out the remainder of his presidential term. “It feels like it’s a matter of… when, not if,” one campaign aide told Reuters. “Yes, it’s over. Just a matter of time,” said another. According to NBC, however, Biden has felt “personally hurt” and “betrayed” by the Democrats’ apparent lack of faith in his abilities.

“Can we all just remember for a minute that these same people who are trying to push Joe Biden out are the same people who literally gave us all Donald Trump? In 2015, Obama, Pelosi, [and] Schumer pushed Biden aside in favor of Hillary [Clinton]; they were wrong then, and they are wrong now,” the outlet reported citing an anonymous source. Hillary Clinton was given a 90% chance to win in 2016 but lost to Trump. Biden’s campaign chair, Jen O’Malley Dillon, acknowledged that the president has “seen some slippage in support” since the debate, but insisted that it was just a “small movement” in the polls, and that a “significant national organization” would endorse him next week. “Joe Biden has said he is running for president of the United States. Our campaign is moving forward,” deputy campaign manager Quentin Fulks insisted.

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“Democrats have a deep and talented bench of younger leaders, led by Vice President Kamala Harris..”

“Absolutely” In The Race: Biden Campaign Calls Malarkey On MSM Reports (ZH)

On Thursday evening, the New York Times reported that ‘people close to Biden’ say the president has “begun to accept the idea that he may not be able to win in November and may have to drop out of the race. The Biden campaign swiftly answered – insisting that wasn’t true, while longtime Biden ally Sen. Chris Coons (D-DE) – whose daughter Biden sniffed – said that the president is still seeking ‘input’ from colleagues on what to do. On Friday, Biden campaign manager Jen O’Malley Dillon insisted on MSNBC’s ‘Morning Joe’ that the president is staying in the campaign against all odds. “He’s our nominee and he’s going to be our president for a second term,” she said, acknowledging that “this has been such a hard week,” but that Biden will be “back on the trail next week” after allegedly contracting COVID. “This is an organization built for the Biden-Harris ticket,” she continued.

Meanwhile, more prominent Democrats issued statements on Friday calling for Biden to drop out. Reps. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.), Marc Veasey (D-Texas), Jesús “Chuy” García (D-Ill.) and Mark Pocan (D-Wis.) issued a joint statement Friday morning, writing that while they have “great admiration” for Biden, the public worries over his age and fitness for office are threatening his chances of winning the election, zeroing in on his disastrous debate performance last month. -The Hill. “Mr. President, with great admiration for you personally, sincere respect for your decades of public service and patriotic leadership, and deep appreciation for everything we have accomplished together during your presidency, it is now time for you to pass the torch to a new generation of Democratic leaders,” the four wrote in a letter.

“At this point, however, we must face the reality that widespread public concerns about your age and fitness are jeopardizing what should be a winning campaign.” “These perceptions may not be fair, but they have hardened in the aftermath of last month’s debate and are now unlikely to change,” the lawmakers continued, writing that “We believe the most responsible and patriotic thing you can do in this moment is to step aside as our nominee while continuing to lead our party from the White House.” Veasey marks the first member of the Congressional Black Caucus to call on Biden to step aside, while the other three, Huffman, Garcia and Pocan, are members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus.

The four see Vice President Kamala Harris as leading the pack of the “deep and talented branch” Biden could pass the torch to. “Democrats have a deep and talented bench of younger leaders, led by Vice President Kamala Harris, who you have lifted up, empowered, and prepared for this moment,” they wrote. “Passing the torch would fundamentally change the trajectory of the campaign.” Also meanwhile, a Democratic Party committee will meet on Friday to discuss a virtual voting process to nominate Biden as the party’s candidate. The vote would take place ahead of the DNC’s in-person convention, which begins Aug. 19 in Chicago. It’s unclear how the nominating process would continue if Biden were to leave the race.

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“In 2015, Obama, [Nancy] Pelosi, [Chuck] Schumer pushed Biden aside in favor of Hillary [Clinton]; they were wrong then, and they are wrong now..”

Biden Feels ‘Betrayed’ By Democrats – NBC (RT)

US President Joe Biden feels “personally hurt” and “betrayed” by an apparent lack of faith in him by many Democrats following his disastrous debate with Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump, NBC reported on Friday, citing sources. According to numerous reports, Biden’s on-stage performance – described as “fumbling” and “incoherent” – as well as several follow-up gaffes, have left many Democratic leaders and donors scrambling to find a replacement for the 81-year-old candidate. While some Democratic heavyweights – including former presidents Barack Obama and Bill Clinton – have publicly reiterated their support for Biden, they have done little to consolidate the party behind him, NBC reported.

Sources claimed to the outlet that Biden “feels angry” at efforts to force him out of the White House race, with one person suggesting Democratic leaders were essentially helping Trump, who recently survived an assassination attempt, to secure victory. “Can we all just remember for a minute that these same people who are trying to push Joe Biden out are the same people who literally gave us all Donald Trump? In 2015, Obama, [Nancy] Pelosi, [Chuck] Schumer pushed Biden aside in favor of Hillary [Clinton]; they were wrong then, and they are wrong now,” an NBC source said, referring to Clinton’s loss against Trump in 2016.

The outlet added that as uncertainty grows within the Democratic leadership, some party members now believe it is not a matter of ‘if’ but rather ‘when’ Biden will drop out. One Democratic strategist said he simply “want[ed] a decision” on the matter. “The sooner we get this behind us, the sooner we can get back to the campaigning and focus on winning,” the strategist noted, claiming that Democrats have “better candidates” and “the fundraising momentum.” Axios reported on Wednesday that several top Democrats have told Biden that he stands no chance against Trump, with rumors abound that he might withdraw this weekend. While the president and his campaign have publicly said he has no plans to drop out, the Democratic Party has delayed the official nominating process until August.

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“.. the Biden campaign now expects to raise only 25% of the big donor money it had originally projected to raise in July..”

Biden Appears to Accept He Won’t Win in November, May Drop Out of Race (Sp.)

Incumbent US President Joe Biden appears to have begun to accept the idea that he may have to drop out of the Presidential race because it will be too difficult for him to catch former President Donald Trump, The New York Times has reported, citing several people close to the president. The report cited one of the people close to Biden as saying on Thursday that the US president had not yet made up his mind to drip out of the presidential race. However, the newspaper cited another source as saying that the “reality is setting in” and that it would not be a surprise if Biden made an announcement soon endorsing Vice President Kamala Harris as his replacement. At the same time, the newspaper cited White House officials as saying that Biden was not moving toward dropping out of the race.

They reportedly dismissed media reports, calling them “a coordinated campaign of leaks” by Democratic leaders to escalate the pressure on Biden. NBC News reported on Thursday, citing sources, that Biden’s political world is collapsing as his allies have either publicly or privately called on him to step aside, and major donations have fallen off a cliff. “We’re close to the end,” the broadcaster quoted a person close to Biden as saying. The person reportedly added that Biden is nearing a point of no return. The report cited a person with knowledge of the projections as saying that the Biden campaign now expects to raise only 25% of the big donor money it had originally projected to raise in July. The broadcaster reported last week that the Biden campaign was secretly polling Harris’ viability against Trump amid calls for the US president to withdraw from the race.

The Washington Post reported on Thursday, citing three Democratic officials, that Former US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi told some House Democrats that she believes that Biden can soon be persuaded to drop out of the race amid serious doubts he can win the election. The media also reported that Pelosi’s aides declined to address her talks with her colleagues, dismissing the media “feeding frenzy” about her discussions with Biden. Numerous Democrats have called on Biden to end his campaign and step aside for an alternative nominee following a dismal debate performance against Trump last month. The Biden campaign has said that they are not planning for a scenario in which Biden is not the Democratic presidential candidate.

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“..how can “JB” bow out of the election on account of mental infirmity but still remain president? Even if they call it something else, make some other excuse, the whole world knows now that the president is gone in the head..”

Slowly, Then All at Once (Kunstler)

There was a lot of talk about divine intervention at the Republican Convention this week. The country has witnessed a rush of seemingly providential events since the fateful night of June 27th when, to universal horror, “Joe Biden” was unmasked as The Phantom of the White House. The attempt on Donald Trump’s life Saturday, with its intimations of blob involvement, was only the latest of countless trips, hoaxes, capers, and ops that smacked of demonic inspiration laid on the public, so you can’t blame them for feeling that “God is among us now.” A huge piece of this dynamic has been the Right’s amazing impotence in the eight-year-long march of insults to the republic — especially the failure to find relief for any of that in the courts of law, until last month when the SCOTUS finally kneecapped Democratic Party lawfare operations. A paramount example of that impotence was being unable to find one jurisdiction willing to adjudicate election fraud in 2020 on the merit of the arguments.

But there was much more, starting with collective helplessness in the drawn-out RussiaGate psychodrama, even when all the players and their many nefarious acts were exposed by the alt news media, and extending to the mendacious roguery of the two-year Mueller (Weissmann) Commission, followed by fifty-one former intel higher-ups labeling Hunter Biden’s laptop “Russian disinformation, followed by Rep. Adam Schiff’s Ukraine “whistleblower” prank featuring CIA/NSC/DOD/DOJ moles Eric Ciaramella, Colonel Vindman and IC Inspector General Michael Atkinson, and then the FBI-instigated J-6 riot with the ensuing faked-up House J-6 committee . . . plus you can throw in the stupid Ukraine war, the drag queens in the kindergartens, the bumbling Durham investigation, ten million unvetted illegal migrants flowing into the country and this year’s four show-trials put on to finally break Mr. Trump.

For many in this land, it has been like the classic nightmare of being paralyzed in the presence of evil. So, it’s no wonder that the Republicans came into their convention with a tremendous tailwind of relief when events suddenly broke their way in June. Now, everyone knows that the current president is a vindictive invalid who will be tossed overboard by his own terrified party in a matter of hours now. And the entire scaffold of lies supporting “Joe Biden” and his party is wobbling badly, too. You could see it in the deranged terror of Rachel Maddow’s increasingly contorted face last night as she rehearsed all the hoaxes she has helped to perpetrate, along with her mentally-ill posse of Jenn Psaki, Joy Reid, Nicole Wallace, and the strangely mute white male Ari Melber. It seemed that any minute Rachel’s head would spin and start spewing pea soup at the camera. When will an exorcist finally pay a visit to MSNBC? As the sun sets on “Joe Biden’s” career, what’s left of his campaign runs an ad in which he promises “to finish the job.”

Sounds kind of sinister now, doesn’t it, like something a crime boss might tell his caporegimes? And for sure the country is suffering from this three-year-plus reign-of-terror against common sense and common decency. The wreckage is everywhere, all over this land. “Defending our Democracy,” my ass. The party big dawgs have paid their terminal visit to the old grifter bringing the sad news that it’s over. Of course, this excites several new headaches for them. Foremost: how can “JB” bow out of the election on account of mental infirmity but still remain president? Even if they call it something else, make some other excuse, the whole world knows now that the president is gone in the head. There are six months remaining to the end of his term and a lot of urgent issues requiring a president’s attention. You can be sure that pressure will rise to shove him out of office altogether. And it may come before the Democratic Convention in late August — if we want to be taken seriously by the rest of the world.

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“..A real leader emerges organically when he or she inspires confidence among the people and places the national interest above all else..”

Even A Dead Man Could Become US President – Tucker Carlson (RT)

The US political system could be manipulated to such an extent that even a dead person could become president, journalist Tucker Carlson joked at the Republican National Convention on Thursday. The former Fox News host was touting former President Donald Trump, who is now the Republican Party’s official nominee for the November election, as having the necessary character to unify the American people. Surviving an attempt on his life earlier this month has turned Trump into a true national leader, Carlson believes. “Just because you call yourself the president doesn’t mean that much inherently,” the journalist said. “I can call my dog the CEO of Hewlett Packard – it doesn’t mean she is.”

“You could take, I don’t know, a mannequin or a dead person and make him president,” Carlson added. “[That is] theoretically possible. With enough cheating that could happen.” A real leader emerges organically when he or she inspires confidence among the people and places the national interest above all else, Carlson insisted. Critics have accused Trump of being irredeemably selfish and a threat to the US, but his reaction to his brush with death is evidence to the contrary, the journalist claimed. Trump has alleged that President Joe Biden “stole” the 2020 election, depriving the Republican of a second term.

The Trump campaign has failed to prove those claims in court, although Carlson apparently alluded to that idea as well as the perception that Biden is physically and mentally incapable of holding office for four more years. Biden endured a disastrous presidential television debate against Trump last month, often losing his train of thought and speaking incoherently. He is under intense pressure from within the Democratic Party to end his reelection bid and allow another candidate to be nominated next month. According to reports, Biden could announce he is dropping out as soon as this weekend. Biden has maintained in public that he intends to run and that only “God almighty” or a newly found medical condition could force him out of the race.

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“In that moment, Donald Trump, months before the presidential election, became the leader of this nation.” Serving the country and all of its citizens and not other interests is a mandatory requirement for true leadership..”

Putting Ukraine First ‘A Middle Finger In The Face’ Of Americans – Carlson (RT)

The political elites in Washington, DC are making a point to not pursue policies that the American public wants, journalist and conservative political commenter Tucker Carlson has said. The former Fox News host blasted the lack of responsiveness of the American political system to the will of the people at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee, Wisconsin on Thursday. He praised former President Donald Trump, the party’s nominee, for being the opposite of standard politicians. In the US capital, lawmakers can be seen “stepping over the prostrate bodies of their fellow citizens ODing on drugs to go cast votes to send money to some foreign country,” Carlson said. Prioritizing Ukraine’s needs, for example, over those of Americans is “too much actually. It’s too insulting. It’s a middle finger in the face of every American. It’s a very clear statement, which is unmistakable.”

Carlson is a long-time critic of the Ukraine policy conducted by the administration of President Joe Biden. He has rejected claims that bolstering the country against Russia is in the interests of the American people. He also criticized the narrative that sending money to Kiev defends democracy, citing the country’s slide towards authoritarianism under Vladimir Zelensky. Critics have accused Carlson of being “pro-Russian” and secretly working for Moscow. Earlier this year, he traveled to Russia to interview President Vladimir Putin, which his detractors described as spreading “Russian propaganda.” Carlson said he had sought to have a long-form sit-down interview with the Russian leader for years. He also claimed that the US government targeted him with illegal surveillance in an attempt to derail his efforts when he was working for Fox News.

In his RNC speech, Carlson suggested that Trump has been transformed after surviving an assassination attempt days ago, saying: “In that moment, Donald Trump, months before the presidential election, became the leader of this nation.” Serving the country and all of its citizens and not other interests is a mandatory requirement for true leadership, he argued.

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He’s nervous.

Trump Holds ‘Very Good’ Phone Call With Zelensky (RT)

Former US President and Republican candidate in the upcoming elections, Donald Trump, has reiterated his pledge to stop the conflict between Moscow and Kiev following his conversation with Ukraine’s Vladimir Zelensky on Friday. Trump wrote in a post on Truth Social that he “had a very good phone call” with Zelensky, during which the Ukrainian politician congratulated him on a “very successful” Republican National Convention and “condemned the heinous assassination attempt.” Trump went on to say that he appreciates Zelensky “for reaching out because I, as your next President of the United States, will bring peace to the world and end the war that has cost so many lives and devastated countless innocent families.” Both sides will be able to come together and negotiate a deal that ends the violence and paves a path forward to prosperity.”

Zelensky, in turn, claimed that he “agreed with President Trump to discuss at a personal meeting what steps can make peace fair and truly lasting.” “I noted the vital bipartisan and bicameral American support for protecting our nation’s freedom and independence. Ukraine will always be grateful to the United States for its help in strengthening our ability to resist Russian terror,” he wrote in a post on X (formerly Twitter) on Friday night.Trump said nothing about allegedly agreeing to a meeting with Zelensky, and neither he nor Kiev released any further details of the conversation. Back in 2019, Trump was impeached over his phone call with Zelensky, in which Democrats claimed he tried to get dirt on his rival Joe Biden in exchange for military aid.

Speaking to British state broadcaster BBC during a trip to the UK this week, Zelensky reiterated that his government seeks total victory in the conflict with Russia. “We have to finish with him,” he said, referring to Russian President Vladimir Putin. If Trump is re-elected US president in November, Zelensky expects him to lean on Kiev to end the conflict “in 24 hours” as he has promised on the campaign trail. Zelensky described a worst-case scenario in which US sanctions are lifted from Russia under Trump and Putin celebrates victory: “We will never go on this, never. And there is no guy in the world who can push us to do it,” he insisted.

Zelensky’s own five-year presidential term, which he won in a landslide in 2019, expired in late May. He has refused to hold a new election, citing martial law in the country, and reiterated to the British state broadcaster his intention to retain power at least until the hostilities end. Moscow has argued that, under the Ukrainian constitution, the parliament remains legitimate, and presidential authority should have passed to its speaker when Zelensky’s term ended. Putin has also stated that he would order a ceasefire and start negotiations with Ukraine as soon as it pledges not to seek membership in NATO and withdraws its troops from all Russian territories, including the republics of Donetsk and Lugansk, and the regions of Kherson and Zaporozhye

Read more …

“..the EU‘s chief diplomat, Josep Borrell, is now eyeing a formal foreign affairs summit at the exact same time as Orban’s own summit..”

Sorry, We Want War: Why EU Elites Will Ignore Hungary’s Orban (Marsden)

Hungary, represented by its Prime Minister Viktor Orban, took over the rotating six-month presidency of the Council of the European Union in July 1, and promptly decided to do something unconventional: actual work. So out came the knives. Back in 2022, the most memorable thing that France’s Emmanuel Macron did while in the role was make a logo for his EU presidency that incorporated his own initials. The benefit to the French and European people was fantastic – as in, it exists in fantasy. For his EU presidency meeting in France, Macron stood alongside unelected European Commission bureaucracy president “Queen” Ursula von der Leyen, as they championed issues like climate change, digital transition, and the EU military industrial complex (er, the “EU Defence Union”). They were only too happy to serve up typical globalist fare for their fellow elites to gobble down. But these same folks are now gagging on Orban’s chosen agenda: peace.

Orban announced that Hungary’s EU presidency meeting would take place at the end of August in Budapest, addressing thorny global conflicts that present a challenge to the EU. Bloc elites object because peace is supposed to come from taking short showers and sweltering without air conditioning to stick it to Russian President Vladimir Putin. Until now, the establishment figured that it could control Orban, if not through threats of withholding EU funds, then through outright manipulation. Like when, according to Politico, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz managed to get him to dip out of a vote last December on starting EU accession talks for Ukraine by convincing the Hungarian leader that it would result in a win-win. So, while Orban was in the hallway, the other EU leaders rammed through the vote, avoiding his veto, and subsequently celebrating their own manipulated unanimity.

But when Orban took over this new EU role, he really dipped out this time, promptly chewing through the leash that the European establishment may have figured they had on him, and proceeded to use it to slingshot himself around the world on a “peace tour” to gather information from all sides of various East-West global conflicts. He started in Ukraine with a visit to Vladimir Zelensky. Totally cool, totally normal, totally in line with EU establishment groupthink. Also, totally useless in terms of trying to actually resolve the conflict involving Russia and Ukraine’s NATO backers that’s devastating European taxpayers and industry. Even Zelensky has recently conceded that any real peace talks need to involve Russia. Orban’s shuttle diplomacy in the EU’s name is the closest thing there is right now to that. So then why did all hell break loose in Brussels when Orban, in his new temporary EU leadership role, decided to also go to Moscow to get the lowdown on Russia’s position?

Orban also hit up China, Azerbaijan, the NATO summit in the US, and former (and potential future) US President Donald Trump. He seems to be the only one taking stock of both sides of various global conflicts. The German press got hold of the letter that Orban sent to Charles Michel – the president of the European Council, to whom Orban is apparently sending notes from his trips. Orban has warned of an intensification of conflict in Ukraine, the need for diplomacy with both Russia and China, and a new approach to the Global South, whose faith the EU has lost amid the fallout from the Ukraine conflict. He took a bulldozer to their collective safe space, apparently. Because the EU‘s chief diplomat, Josep Borrell, is now eyeing a formal foreign affairs summit at the exact same time as Orban’s own summit, according to Politico.

That way, they can completely sidestep the risk of being presented with some actual diplomatic heavy lifting and retreat instead to Borrell’s “trigger-free” EU garden where they can kick back and chill without the risk of being mugged by contradictory views. One EU diplomat told Politico that they want to “send a clear signal that Hungary does not speak for the EU.” What even is the EU anymore if not unelected bureaucrats who routinely purport to speak for it and direct its policy? At least Orban is offering a new twist: elected democratic accountability.

Read more …

“The constitutional flaw at the center of the Special Counsel’s appointment is that Congress has not established the office of a Special Counsel.”

Hunter Biden Challenges the Constitutionality of the Special Counsel (Turley)

Hunter Biden has gone full Trump. Now, Hunter has adopted the Trump argument that special counsels are unconstitutional in seeking to toss out all of the charges by Special Counsel David Weiss, it is the very argument that Democrats and liberal law professors have denounced as meritless and menacing. Having recently embraced the conservative justices in challenging gun laws, Hunter is now channeling Justice Clarence Thomas on the unconstitutionality of special counsel appointments — an argument that his father denounced as wrong and “specious. I recently discussed the decision of Judge Aileen Cannon to strike down the Florida case against former President Donald Trump. Law professors ridiculed the concurrence of Justice Thomas in arguing that special counsels lack a constitutional foundation.

Biden is now asking the federal courts to adopt the Thomas position. On Thursday, courts in California and Delaware were asked to dismiss the criminal tax and gun cases against Biden. The motions track the analysis of Judge Cannon and argue that “the Attorney General relied upon the exact same authority to appoint the Special Counsel in both the Trump and Biden matters, and both appointments are invalid for the same reason.” I wrote in my column that the challenges seem to draw courts into the Wonderland of Special Counsels. In “Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland,” the Mad Hatter asks Alice, “Why is a raven like a writing desk?” It turned out that the Mad Hatter had no better idea than Alice. In her 93-page order, U.S. District Judge Aileen Cannon seemed to face the same dilemma when she asked Special Counsel Jack Smith why a private citizen is like a confirmed U.S. Attorney.

However, a key difference between Smith and Weiss is that it could lead these courts to asking “why is a Weiss like a Smith?” The extent that he is not could prove a critical distinction. Weiss is a Senate confirmed U.S. Attorney where Smith was a private citizen plucked by Merrick Garland from the general population for the position. Biden is seeking to brush over that Mad Hatter anomaly: “The constitutional flaw at the center of the Special Counsel’s appointment is that Congress has not established the office of a Special Counsel. Given that Congress requires a U.S. Attorney to be nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate, it makes no sense to assume that Congress would allow the Attorney General to unilaterally appoint someone as Special Counsel with equal or greater power than a U.S. Attorney. That is what has been attempted here.” Clarence Thomas is beaming.

Read more …

 

 

 

 

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Trap
https://twitter.com/i/status/1813851085888500199

 

 

Mystery

 

 

Portulaca
https://twitter.com/i/status/1814367985483821072

 

 

 

 

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Aug 202015
 


Gustave Doré Dream of the Eagle (from Dante’s Purgatory) 1868

We’ve come to the end of our little ‘chapters experiment’, using Nicole’s long article. Do let us whether you like things this way, posted in shorter parts rather than one long article. And by all means read through the whole thing one more time. It’s not going to hurt you.

This is the entire article. Part 1 is here:
Global Financial Crisis – Liquidity Crunch and Economic Depression,
Part 2 is here:
The Psychological Driver of Deflation and the Collapse of the Trust Horizon
Part 3 is here:
Declining Energy Profit Ratio and Socioeconomic Complexity
Part 4 is here:
Blind Alleys and Techno-Fantasies
and part 5 is here:
Solution Space


Intro

A great deal of intelligence is invested in ignorance when the need for illusion is deep.
Saul Bellow, 1976

More and more people (although not nearly enough) are coming to recognise that humanity cannot continue on its current trajectory, as the limits we face become ever more obvious, and their implications starker. There is a growing realisation that the future must be different, and much thought is therefore being applied to devising supposed solutions for that future.

These are generally attempts to reconcile our need to make changes with our desire to continue something very much resembling our current industrial-world lifestyle, with a view to making a seamless transition between the now and a comfortably familiar future. The presumption is that it is possible, but this rests on foundational assumptions which vary between the improbable and the outright impossible. It is a presumption grounded in a comprehensive failure to understand the nature and extent of our predicament.

We are facing limits in many ways simultaneously – not surprising since exponential growth curves for so many parameters have gone critical in recent decades, and of course even more so in recent years. Some of these limits lie in human systems, while others are ecological or geophysical. They will all interact with each other, over different timeframes, in extremely complex ways as our state of overshoot resolves itself (to our dissatisfaction, to put it mildly) over many decades, if not centuries. Some of these limits are completely non-negotiable, while others can be at least partially mutable, and it is vital that we know the difference if we are to be able to mitigate our situation at all. Otherwise we are attempting to bargain with the future without understanding our negotiating position.

The vast majority has no conception of the extent to which our modernity is an artifact of our discovery and pervasive exploitation of fossil fuels as an energy source. No species in history has had easy, long term access to a comparable energy source. This unprecedented circumstance has facilitated the creation of turbo-charged civilization.

Huge energy throughput, in line with the Maximum Power Principle, has led to tremendous complexity, far greater extractive capacity (with huge ‘environmental externalities’ as a result), far greater potential to concentrate enormous power in the hands of the few with destructive political consequences), a far higher population, far greater burden on global carrying capacity, and the ability to borrow from the future to satisfy the insatiable greed of the present. The fact that we are now approaching so many limits has very significant implications for our ability to continue with any of these aspects of modern life. Therefore, any expectation that a future in the era of limits is likely to resemble the present (with a green gloss) are ill-founded and highly implausible.

The majority of the Big Ideas with which we propose to bargain with our future of limits to growth rests on the notion that we can retain our modern comforts and conveniences, but that somehow we will do so with far less resource use, and with a fraction of the energy we currently employ. The most mainstream discussions revolve around ‘green growth’, where it is suggested that eternal economic growth can occur on a finite planet, and that we will magically decouple of that growth from the physical basis upon which it rests. Proponents argue that we have already accomplished this to an extent, as the apparent energy intensity of developed state economies has fallen.

In actuality, all that has happened is that the energy deployed to provide developed world comforts has been used in the emerging markets where goods destined for our markets are manufactured, so that the consumption falls within someone else’s energy budget. In reality there has been no decoupling at all. Economic growth requires energy, and there is an exceptionally high correlation between the two. Even the phantom growth of the bubble era, based on the expansion of virtual wealth, requires energy in order to maintain the complexity of the system that generates it.

It is crucial that we understand the boundaries of solution space, in order to be able to focus our finite resources (in every sense of the word) on that which is inherently workable, at least in theory. ‘Workable In theory’ implies that, while there is no guarantee of success given a large number of unpredictable factors, there is also no obvious prima facie barrier to success. If, however, we throw our resources at ideas that are subject to such barriers, and therefore lie beyond solution space, we guarantee that those initiatives will fail and that the resources so committed will have been wasted. It is important to note that ‘success’ does not mean being able to maintain anything remotely resembling business as usual. It refers to being able to achieve the best possible outcome under the circumstances.

Sculptors work by carving away excess material in order to reveal the figure within the block they are working with. Similarly, we can carve away from the featureless monolith of conceivable approaches those that we can see in advance are doomed to fail, leaving us with a figuratively coherent group of potentially workable ideas.

In order to carve away the waste material and get closer to a much smaller set of viable possibilities, we need to understand some of the non-negotiable factors we will be facing, each of which has implications restrictive of viable solution space. Many of these issues are the fundamental substance of the message we have been propagating at the Automatic Earth since its inception and will therefore constitute a review for our regular readership. For more detail on these topics, check out our primers section.


Global Financial Crisis – Liquidity Crunch and Economic Depression

As we have maintained since the Automatic Earth’s launch in early 2008, we have lived through a gigantic monetary expansion over the last 30 years or so –  the largest financial departure from reality in human history. In doing so we have created a crisis of under-collateralization. This period was highly inflationary, as we saw a vast increase in the supply of money and credit versus available goods and services. Both currency printing and credit hyper-expansion constitute inflation, but the outcome, and therefore prescription, for each is very different. While currency printing cuts the real wealth pie into many more pieces, each of which will be very small, credit expansions such as this one create multiple and mutually exclusive claims to the same pieces of pie, hence we have generated a vast quantity of excess claims to underlying real wealth.

In other words, we have created a bubble of virtual wealth, with no substance to back up the pile of promises to repay that it rests upon. As we have said before, this amounts to playing a giant game of musical chairs where there is perhaps one chair for every hundred people playing the game. When the music stops, those best positioned to understand the rules of the game will grab a chair as quickly as possible. Everyone else will be out of the game. The endgame of credit expansion is always a credit implosion, where the excess claims are rapidly and messily extinguished. This is, of course, deflation by definition – a contraction in the supply of money and credit relative to available goods and services – through the collapse of the credit supply, where credit is of the order of 99% of the effective money supply.

A credit implosion crashes both the money supply and the velocity of money – the rate at which money circulates in the economy. Together these factors determine how much economic activity can be sustained. With both the money supply and the velocity of money very low, a state of liquidity crunch exists, where there is insufficient liquidity in the economy to connect buyers and sellers, or producers and consumers. Nothing moves, so there is little or no economic activity. Note that demand is not what one wants, but what one can pay for, so with little purchasing power available, demand will be very low under such circumstances.

During the expansion, both the money supply and the velocity of money increased dramatically, and the resulting artificial stimulation of demand led to an increase in supply, with the ability to sustain a much larger than normal amount of economic activity. But once the limit is reached, where all the income streams of the productive economy can no longer service the debt created, and there are no more willing borrowers or lenders, the demand stimulation disappears, leaving a great deal of supply without a market. The demand that had been effectively borrowed from the future, must be ‘repaid’ once the bubble bursts, leading to a prolonged period of low demand. The supply that had arisen to service it no longer has a reason to exist and cannot be maintained.

The economy moves into a period of seizure under such cIrcumstances. We have frequently compared attempting to run an economy with too small a money supply in circulation to trying to run an automobile with the oil warning light on, indicating too little lubricant. Engines seize up when run with too little lubricant, a role played by money in the case of the engine of the economy. The situation created can also be compared to a computer operating system crash, where nothing functions until the system has been rebooted. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, people noted that they had plenty of everything except money. Liquidity crunch creates a condition of artificial scarcity, where even being surrounded by resources is of little use for a period of time once the operating system has crashed and has yet to be ‘rebooted’.

We will be looking at a period of acute liquidity crunch followed by a long period of chronic financial instability. The initial contraction will be driven by fear and that fear will persist for a long time. This will result in little credit being made available, and only at high cost. In other words, interest rates, which are a risk premium, will be very high as we move beyond the initial phase of contraction and fear is in the drivers seat. Deflation and economic depression are mutually reinforcing, hence once that downward spiral, or vicious circle, dynamic has taken hold, we will remain in its grip for many years.

Given that the cost of capital will be very high, and there will be little purchasing power, proposed solutions which are capital-intensive will lie outside solution space.


The Psychological Driver of Deflation and the Collapse of the Trust Horizon

The collective mood shifts rapidly from optimism and greed to pessimism and fear as the bubble bursts, and as it does so, the financial system moves from expansion to contraction. Financial contraction involves the breaking of promises right left and centre, with credit instruments drastically revalued downwards in the process. As the promises that back them cease to be credible, value disappears extremely rapidly. This is deflation and the elimination of excess claims to underlying real wealth.

Instruments once regarded as money equivalents will lose that status through the loss of confidence in them, causing the supply of what retains sufficient confidence to still be regarded as money to collapse. The more instruments lose the confidence that confers value upon them, the smaller the effective money supply will be, and the more confidence will become a rare ‘commodity’. Being grounded in psychology is the primary reason that deflation cannot be overcome through policy adaptations which are inherently too little and too late. Nothing moves as quickly as a collective loss of confidence in human promises, and nothing destroys value as comprehensively.

The same abrupt change in collective mood will also drive contraction in the real economy, but more slowly, since the time constant for change in the real world is much slower than in the virtual world of finance. This process will also result in broken promises as structural dependencies fracture when there is no longer enough to go around. There will be wage and benefit cuts, layoffs, strikes, strike-breaking, breaches of contract, business failures and more on a huge scale, and these will fuel further fear, anger and the destruction of trust.

In the political realm, trust, such as it is, will be an early casualty. Political promises have been regarded as highly suspect for a long time in any case, but considering that the electorate tends consistently to vote for whomever tells them the largest number of comforting lies, this is not particularly surprising. Our political system selects for mendaciousness by design, since no party is normally elected by telling the truth, yet we have still collectively retained some faith in the concept of democracy until relatively recently. In recent years, however, it has become increasingly clear that the political institutions in supposedly democratic nations have largely been bought by big capital. More often than not, and more blatantly than ever, the political machinery has come to serve those special interests, not the public interest.

The public is increasingly realizing that ‘representative democracy’ leaves them unrepresented, as they see more and more examples of austerity for the masses combined with enormous bailouts guaranteeing that the large scale gamblers of casino capitalism will not take losses on the reckless bets they made gambling with other people’s money. In the countries subjected to austerity, where the contrast is the most stark, a wave of public anger is already depriving national governments, or supranational governance institutions where applicable (ie Europe), of political legitimacy. As more and more states slide into the austerity trap as a result of their unsustainable debt burdens, this polarization process will continue, driving wedges between the governors and the governed which will make governance far more difficult.

Governments struggling with the loss of political legitimacy are going to find that people will no longer follow rules once they feel that the social contract has been violated, and that rules no longer represent the public interest. When the governed broadly accept that society functions under the rule of law, in other words that all are equally subject to the same rules, then they tend to internalize those rules and follow them without the need for negative incentives or outright enforcement. However, once the dominant perception becomes that rules are imposed only on the powerless, to their detriment and for the benefit of the powerful, while the well connected can do as they please, then general compliance can cease very quickly.

Without compliance, force would become necessary, and we are indeed likely to see this occur as a transitional phase as social polarization increases in a climate of increasing anger. The transitional element arises from the fact that force, especially as exercised technologically at large scale, requires substantial resources which are unlikely to remain available. Force produces reaction, straining the fabric of society, quite possibly to breaking point.

As contagion propagates the impact of financial and economic contraction, we will rapidly be moving from a long era of high trust in the value of promises to one of low trust. The trust horizon will contract sharply, leaving supranational and national governments lying beyond its reach, as stranded assets from a trust perspective. Trust determines effective organizational scale, so when the trust horizon draws in, withdrawing political legitimacy in its wake, larger scale entities, whether public or private, are going to find it extremely difficult to function. Effective organizational scale had been increasing for the duration of our long economic expansion, forcing an across the board scaling up of all manner of organizations by increasing the competitiveness accruing to large scale. As we scaled up, we formed structural dependencies on these larger scale entities’ ability to function.

While the scaling-up process was reasonable smooth and seamless, the scaling-down process will not be, as the lower rungs of the figurative ladder we climbed to reach this pinnacle have been kicked out as we ascended. Structural dependencies are going to fail very painfully as large scale ceases to be effective and competitive, leading to abrupt dislocations with ricocheting impacts.

Proposed solutions to our predicament that depend on the functioning of large-scale organizations operating in a top-down manner do not lie within viable solution space.


Instability and the ‘Discount Rate’

The pessimism-and-fear-driven psychology of contraction differs dramatically from the optimism-and-greed-driven psychology of expansion. The extreme complacency as to systemic risk of recent years will be replaced by an equally extreme risk aversion, as we move from overshoot in one direction to undershoot in the other. The perception of economic visibility is gong to change substantially, as we move from a period where people thought they knew where things were headed into an era where fear and confusion reign, and the sense of predictability evaporates abruptly.

This is an important psychological shift, as it affects an aspect known as the ‘discount rate’, which reflects the extent to which we think in the short term rather than the long term, or the extent to which we value the present over the future. The perceived rate of change is an important factor in determining the discount rate, and fear, being a very sharp emotion, causes the rate of change to accelerate markedly, driving the discount rate sharply higher in contractionary times.

True long term thinking is relatively rare. We manage an approximation of it at times when all immediate needs, along with many mere ‘wants’, are met and we are not concerned about this condition changing, in other words at times when we take a comfortable situation for granted. At such times, the longer term view is a luxury we can afford, and we find it relatively simple to summon the presence of mind to think abstractly and constructively, and to ponder circumstances which are are neither personal nor immediate. Even at such times, however, it is not particularly common for humans to transcend mere contemplation and actually act in the interests of the long term, especially if it involves aspects beyond the personal, or perhaps familial.

As the financial bubble bursts, and we rapidly begin to pick up on the fear of others and feel the consequences of contagion in our own lives, our collective discount rates are going to sky-rocket. In a relatively short period of time, a large percentage of the population is going to begin worry about immediate needs, let alone wants, not being met. A short time later those worries are likely to transition into reality, as has already happened in the countries, like Greece, in the forefront of the bursting bubble. As discount rates go through the roof, the luxury of the longer term view, which is always quite ephemeral, is likely to disappear altogether.

Where people have no supply cushions and find themselves abruptly penniless, cold, thirsty, hungry or homeless, the likelihood of them considering anything much beyond the needs of the day at hand is very low. Under such circumstances, the present becomes the only reality that matters, and societies are abruptly pitched into a panicked state of short term crisis management. This of course underlines the need to develop supply cushions and contingency plans in advance of a bubble bursting, so that a greater percentage of people might be able to retain a clear head and the ability to plan more than one day at a time. Unfortunately, few are likely to heed advance warnings and we can expect society to shift rapidly into a state of short-termism.

Given the coming rise in collective discount rates, if proposed solutions depend on the ability for societies to engage in rational planning for longer term goals, then those solutions are not part of solution space.


The Psychology of Contraction and Social Context

Expansionary times are times of relative peace and prosperity. If those conditions persist for a relatively long time, trust builds slowly and societies become more inclusive and cooperative, tending to perceive common humanity and focus on similarities rather than differences. In such times we reach out and interact with distant people, even if we have no relationship of personal trust with them, as we have, over time, vested our trust in stable institutional frameworks for managing our affairs. This institutional trust replaces the need for trust at a personal level and is a key factor in our ability to scale up our economies and their governance structures. Individuals raised in such an environment tend to show a presumption of trust towards others, and their inclination is generally to act cooperatively.

There is a sharp contrast between this stable state of affairs and the circumstances which pertain when suddenly the pie is shrinking and there is not enough to go around. As difficult as it can be to share gains in a way perceived to be fair, it is infinitely more difficult to share losses in a way that is not extremely divisive. As elucidated above, a deflationary credit implosion involved the wholesale destruction of excess claims to underlying real wealth, meaning that a majority of people who thought they had a valid claim to something of tangible value are going to find that they do not. The losses will be very widespread, but uneven, and the perception of unfairness will be almost universal.

Under such circumstances a sense of common humanity is much less prevalent, and the focus shifts from similarities to the differences upon which social divisions are founded and then inflamed. An ‘us versus them’ dynamic is prone to take hold, where ‘us’ becomes ever more tightly defined and ‘them’ becomes an ever more pejorative term. People build literal and figurative walls and peer suspiciously at each other over them. Rather than working together in the attempt to address concerns common to all, division shifts the focus from cooperation to competition. A collectively constructive mindset can easily morph into something far more motivated by negative emotions such as jealousy and revenge and therefore far more destructive of perceived commonality.

The kind of initiatives which capture the public imagination in expansionary times are not at all the type which get traction once a contractionary dynamic takes hold. Attempts to build cooperative projects are going to be facing a rising tide of negative social mood, and will struggle to get off the ground. Sadly, negative ideas are far more likely to go viral than positive ones. Novel movements grounded in anger and fear may arise to feed on this new emotional context and thereby be empowered to wreak havoc on the fabric of society, notably through providing a political mandate to extremists with an agenda of focusing blame on to some identifiable, and marginalizable, social group.

While it will not be the case that cooperative endeavours will be impossible to achieve, they will require additional effort, and are likely to succeed only at a much smaller scale in a newly fractured society than might previously have been expected. It is very much a worthwhile effort, and will be far simpler if begun prior to the end of the period of cooperative presumption. All the more reason to adapt to a major trend change adapt in advance. There is nothing so dangerous as collectively dashed expectations.

If proposed solutions depend on a cooperative social context at large scale, they will not be part of solution space.


Energy – Demand Collapse Followed by Supply Collapse

As we have noted many times, energy is the master resource, and has been the primary driver of an expansion dating back to the beginning of the industrial revolution. In fossil fuels humanity discovered the ‘holy grail’ of energy sources – highly concentrated, reasonably easy to obtain, transportable and processable into many useful forms. Without this discovery, it is unlikely that any human empire would have exceeded the scale and technological sophistication of Rome at its height, but with it we incrementally developed the capacity to reach for the stars along an exponential growth curve.

We increased production year after year, developed uses for our energy surplus, and then embedded layer upon successive layer of structural dependency on those uses within our societies. We were living in an era of a most unusual circumstance – energy surplus on an unprecedented scale. We have come to think this is normal as it has been our experience for our whole lives, and we therefore take it for granted, but it is a profoundly anomalous and temporary state of affairs.

We have arguably reached peak production, despite a great deal of propaganda to the contrary. We still rely on the giant oil fields discovered decades ago for the majority of the oil we use today, but these fields are reaching the end of their lives and new discoveries are very small in comparison. We are producing from previous finds on a grand scale, but failing to replace them, not through lack of effort, but from a fundamental lack of availability. Our dependence on oil in particular is tremendous, given that it underpins both the structure and function of industrial society in a myriad different ways.

An inability to grow production, or even maintain it at current levels past peak, means that our oil supply will be constricted, and with it both the scope of society’s functions and our ability to maintain what we have built. Production from the remaining giant fields could collapse, either as they finally water out or as production is hit by ‘above ground factors’, meaning that it could be impacted by rapidly developing human events having nothing to do with the underlying geology. Above ground factors make for unpredictable wildcards.

Financial crisis, for instance, will be profoundly destabilizing, and is going to precipitate very significant, and very negative, social consequences that are likely to impact on the functioning of the energy industry. A liquidity crunch will cause purchasing power to collapse, greatly reducing demand at personal, industrial and national scales. With production geared to previous levels of demand, it will feel like a supply glut, meaning that prices will plummet.

This has already begun, as we have recently described. The effect is exacerbated by the (false) propaganda over recent years regarding unconventional supplies from fracking and horizontal drilling that are supposedly going to result in limitless supply. As far as price goes, it is not reality by which it is determined, but perception, even if that perception is completely unfounded.

The combination of perception that oil is plentiful, falling actual demand on economic contraction, and an acute liquidity crunch is a recipe for very low prices, at least temporarily. Low prices, as we are already seeing, suck the investment out of the sector because the business case evaporates in the short term, economic visibility disappears for what are inherently long term projects, and risk aversion becomes acute in a climate of fear.

Exploration will cease, and production projects will be mothballed or cancelled. It is unlikely that critical infrastructure will be maintained when no revenue is being generated and money is very scarce, meaning that reviving mothballed projects down the line may be either impossible, or at least economically non-viable.

The initial demand collapse may buy us time in terms of global oil depletion, but at the expense of aggravating the situation considerably in the longer term. The lack of investment over many years will see potential supply collapse as well, so that the projects we may have thought would cushion the downslope of Hubbert’s curve are unlikely to materialize, even if demand eventually begins to recover.

In addition, various factions of humanity are very likely to come to blows over the remaining sources, which, after all, confer upon the owner liquid hegemonic power. We are already seeing a new three-way Cold War shaping up between the US, Russia and China, with nasty proxy wars being fought in the imperial periphery where reserves or strategic transport routes are located. Resource wars will probably do more than anything else to destroy with infrastructure and supplies that might otherwise have fuelled the future.

Given that the energy supply will be falling, and that there will, over time, be competition for increasingly scarce energy resources that we can no longer take for granted, proposed solutions which are energy-intensive will lie outside of solution space.


Declining Energy Profit Ratio and Socioeconomic Complexity

It is not simply the case that energy production will be falling past the peak. That is only half the story as to why energy available to society will be drastically less in the future in comparison with the present. The energy surplus delivered to society by any energy source critically depends on the energy profit ratio of production, or energy returned on energy invested (EROEI).

The energy profit ratio is the comparison between the energy deployed in order to produce energy from any given source, and the resulting energy output. Naturally, if it were not possible to produce more than than the energy required upfront to do so (an EROEI equal to one), the exercise would be pointless, and ideally one would want to produce a multiple of the input energy, and the higher the better.

In the early years of the oil fuel era, one could expect a hundred-fold return on energy invested, but that ratio has fallen by something approximating a factor of ten in the intervening years. If the energy profit ratio falls by a factor of ten, gross production must rise by a factor ten just for the energy available to society to remain the same. During the oil century, that, and more, is precisely what happened. Gross production sky-rocketed and with it the energy surplus available to society.

However, we have now produced and consumed the lions’s share of the high energy profit ratio energy sources, and are depending on lower and lower EROEI sources for the foreseeable future. The energy profit ratio is set to fall by a further factor of ten, but this time, being past the global peak of production, we will not be able to raise gross production. In fact both gross production and the energy profit ratio will be falling at the same time, meaning that the energy surplus available to society is going to be very sharply curtailed. This will compound the energy crisis we unwittingly face going forward.

The only rationale for supposedly ‘producing energy’ from an ‘energy source’ with an energy profit ratio near, or even below, one, would be if one can nevertheless make money at it temporarily, despite not producing an energy return at all. This is more often the case at the moment than one might suppose. In our era of money created from nothing being thrown at all manner of losing propositions, as it always is at the peak of a financial bubble, a great deal of that virtual wealth has been pursuing energy sources and energy technologies.

Prior to the topping of the financial bubble, commodities of all kinds had been showing exponential price rises on fear of impending scarcity, thanks to the human propensity to extrapolate current trends, in this case commodity demand, forward to infinity. In addition technology investments of all kinds were highly fashionable, and able to attract investment without the inconvenient need to answer difficult questions. The combination of energy and technology was apparently irresistible, inspiring investors to dream of outsized profits for years to come. This was a very clear example of on-going dynamics in finance and energy intertwining and acting as mutually reinforcing drivers.

Both unconventional fossil fuels and renewable energy technologies became focii for huge amounts of inward investment. These are both relatively low energy profit energy sources, on average, although the EROEI varies considerably. Unconventional fossil fuels are a very poor prospect, often with an EROEI of less than one due to the technological complexity, drilling guesswork and very rapid well depletion rates.

However, the propagandistic hype that surrounded them for a number of years, until reality began to dawn, was sufficient to allow them to generate large quantities of money for those who ran the companies involved. Ironically, much of this, at least in the United states where most of the hype was centred, came from flipping land leases rather than from actual energy production, meaning that much of this industry was essentially nothing more than an elaborate real estate ponzi scheme.

Renewables, as we currently envisage them, unfortunately suffer from a relatively low energy profit ratio (on average), a dependence on fossil fuels for both their construction and distribution infrastructure, and a dependence on a wide array of non-renewable components.

We typically insist on deploying them in the most large-scale, technologically complex manner possible, thereby minimising the EROEI, and quite likely knocking it below one in a number of cases. This maximises monetary profits for large companies, thanks to both investor gullibility and greed and also to generous government subsidy regimes, but generally renders the exercise somewhere between pointless and counter-productive in long term energy supply terms.

For every given society, there will be a minimum energy profit ratio required to support it in its current form, that minimum being dependent on the scale and complexity involved. Traditional agrarian societies were based on an energy profit ratio of about 5, derived from their food production methods, with additional energy from firewood at a variable energy profit ratio depending on the environment. Modern society, with its much larger scale and vastly greater complexity, naturally has a far higher energy profit ratio requirement, probably not much lower than that at which we currently operate.

We are moving into a lower energy profit ratio era, but lower EROEI energy sources will not be able to maintain our current level of socioeconomic complexity, hence our society will be forced to simplify. However, a simpler society will not be able to engage in the complex activities necessary to produce energy from these low EROEI sources. In other words, low energy profit ratio energy sources cannot sustain a level of complexity necessary to produce them. They will not fuel the simpler future which awaits us.

Proposed solutions dependent on the current level of socioeconomic complexity do not lie within solution space.


Blind Alleys and Techno-Fantasies

The majority of proposals made by those who acknowledge limits fail on at least one of the previous criteria, and often several, if not all of them. Solution space is smaller than we typically think. The most common approach is to insist on government policies intended to implement meaningful change by fiat. Even in the best of times, government policy is a blunt instrument which all too often achieves the opposite of its stated intention, and in contractionary times the likelihood of this increases enormously.

Governments are reactive – and slowly – not proactive. Policies typically reflect the realities of the past, not the future, and are therefore particularly maladaptive at times of large scale trend change, particularly when that change unfolds rapidly. Those focusing on government policy are mostly not thinking in terms of crisis, however, but of seamless proactive adjustment – the kind of which humanity is congenitally incapable.

There is a common perception that government policy and its effect on society depends critically on who holds the seat of power and what policies they impose. The assumption is that elected leaders do, in fact, wield the power to determine and implement their chosen policies, but this has become less and less the case over time. Elected leaders are the public face of a system which they do not control, and increasingly act merely as salesmen for policies determined behind the scenes, mostly at the behest of special interest groups with privileged political access.

It actually matters little who is the figure-head at any given time, as their actions are constrained by the system in which they are embedded. Even if leaders fully understood the situation we face, which is highly unlikely given the nature of the leadership selection process, they would be unable to change the direction of a system so much larger than themselves.

Where public pressure on elected governments develops around a specific issue, for whatever reason, the political response is generally to act in such a way as to appear to do something meaningful, while actually making no substantive change at all. Often the appearance of action is nothing more than vacuous political spin, assuaging public opinion while doing nothing to threaten the extractive interests driving the system in the same direction as always. We cannot expect truly adaptive initiatives to emerge from a system hostage to powerful vested interests and therefore locked into a given direction.

Public understanding of the issues agitated for or against tends, unfortunately, to be limited and one-dimensional, meaning that it is essentially impossible to create public pressure for truly informed policy changes, and it is relatively simple to claim that the appearance of action constitutes actual action. A short public attention span makes this even simpler. People are also extremely unlikely to vote for policies which, if they were to make a meaningful difference, would amount to depriving those same people of the outsized consumption habits to which they have become accustomed. The insurmountable obstacles to achieving change through government policy become obvious.

Planned degrowth assumes the possibility of a smooth progression towards a lower consumption future, but this is not how contractions unfold following the bursting of a bubble. What we can expect is a series of abrupt dislocations that are going to wreak havoc with our collective ability to plan anything at all for many years, by which time we will already be living in a lower consumption future arrived at chaotically. Effective planning for an epochal shift requires the capacity for top-down policy implementation at large scale, combined with social cohesion, the ability to maintain complexity, and the energy to maintain control over a myriad distinct aspects simultaneously. It is simply not going to happen in the manner that proponents envisage.

Similarly, a steady state economy is not a realistic construct in light of many non-negotiable realities. Human history, and in fact the non-human evolution which preceded it, is a dynamic history of boom and bust, of niches opening up, being exploited, being over-exploited and collapsing. It is a history of opportunism and the consequences following from it. In the human experience, boom and bust in the form of the rise and fall of empire is an emergent property of civilizational scale. A steady state at this scale is prima facie impossible.

An approximation of steady state can exist under certain circumstances, where a population well below ecological carrying capacity, and surrounded by abundance, is left in isolation for a very long period of time. The Australian aboriginal existence prior to the European invasion is probably the best example, having persisted for tens of thousands of years. The circumstances which permitted it were, however, diametrically opposite to those we currently face.

Proponents of the steady state economy do not seem to appreciate the extent to which we have long since transgressed the point of no return from the perspective of being able to maintain what we have built. Even if we were merely approaching limits, instead of having moved substantially into overshoot, we would not be able to hold society in stasis just below those limitations.

Populations grow and expansion proceeds with it. Intentionally preventing population growth globally is unrealistic. Even China, as a single country, has struggled with population control policies, and has had to take drastic and dictatorial measures in order to slow population growth. This clearly relies on strong top-down control, which is only barely possible at a national level and will never be possible at a global level.

In China we are also going to see that the outcome of population control has challenging consequences, and that a policy supposedly designed to foster stability can have the opposite effect. The desire for a male child has dangerously distorted the gender ratio in ways which will leave the country with a large excess of young men with no prospects for either work or marriage. That is a guarantee of trouble, either at home or abroad, or possibly both. There will also be far too few employed young people to look after a burgeoning elderly population, meaning a rapid die-off of the elderly cohort at some point.

Even then China is unlikely to have managed to get itself back below the carrying capacity it has done so much to destroy during its frantic dash for growth. The tremendous modernity drive China has engaged in essentially undone any benefit curbing population growth might have had, by increasing energy and resource consumption per capita by an enormous margin. It is population times consumption which determines impact, and in China the ecological impact has in many ways been catastrophic. That has to some extent been compensated for by obtaining access to a great deal of land in other countries, but economic colonialism has done nothing for global stability.

While it is possible to conceive, as some steady-state and degrowth proponents do, of a world in which civilization and large-scale urbanism have been dismantled in favour of autonomous, yet networked, village-scale settlements, that does not make it even remotely realistic. Humanity may, in the distant future, after the overshoot condition has been resolved by nature, as it will eventually be, find itself living in villages once again, but they would not be networked in the modern, technological sense, and the population they housed would be very smaller smaller than at present.

If it is below carrying capacity, then it will grow again, restarting the cycle of expansion and contraction rather than settling for a steady-state. Reaching for the stars again would not be possible however, as the necessary energy and resources have already been consumed or dissipated.

People are often inclined to think that a different trajectory is a matter of choice – for instance that we must collectively choose to live differently in order to prevent an ecological catastrophe. In fact it is not a matter of choice at all. There is no basis for top-down control capable of delivering meaningful change, nor would humanity ever collectively choose to scale back its consumption pattern, although individuals can and do. Given opportunities as a species, we take them, as evolution has shaped us to do.

Groups which made a habit of forgoing opportunities in the past would quickly have been out-competed by those who did not. We are the descendants of a long long line of opportunists, selected over millennia for our flexibility in turning an incredibly wide range of circumstances to our advantage. But, in this instance we will have no choice – the shift to lower consumption will be imposed on us by circumstance. The element of choice will be only in how we choose to face that which we cannot change.

Another class of ideas for ways forward is grounded in techno-optimism, suggesting that because human beings are clever and creative, and have tended to push back apparent limits before, that we will be able to do so indefinitely. The notion is that changing our trajectory is unnecessary because limits can always be circumvented. Needless to say, such a view is not grounded in physical reality. These ‘solutions’ are entrepreneurial rather than policy-driven, although they may expect to be facilitated through policy.

Ideas in this category would include such things as smart renewables-based power grids, high-performance electric cars, high-tech energy storage systems, thorium reactors, fusion reactors, biofuels, genetically modified (pseudo)foodstuffs, geoengineering, enhanced automation, high-tech carbon sequestration, global carbon trading platforms, electronic crypto-currencies, clean-tech, vertical farming skyscrapers and many other notions.

Notice that all of these presume the ready availability of cheap energy and resources, along with large quantities of capital, and all assume that technological complexity can be maintained or even increased. Options such as these also have a substantial dependence on the continuation of globalized trade in both goods and services in order to satisfy their complex supply chains. However, globalization depends on the ability to operate at large scale in extremely complex ways, it depends on cheap energy, it depends on maintaining trust in trading partners, and it depends on the ability to travel without facing unacceptable levels of physical risk from piracy or conflict.

Trade does very poorly in times of financial and economic contraction. In the Great Depression of the 1930s, trade fell by 66% in two years. Trust collapses, and with it the contractual ability to agree on risk-sharing arrangements. Letters of credit become impossible to obtain in a credit crunch, and without them goods do not move.

Many goods will in any case have no market, as there will be little purchasing power for anything but essentials, and possibly not even sufficient for those. As we move from the peak of globalized trade, there will be an enormous excess of transport capacity, which will drive prices down relentlessly to the point where transporting goods becomes uneconomic. Much transport capacity will be scrapped. Without credit to oil the wheels of trade, our highly leveraged economic system will grind to a halt.

It is natural that we regard our current situation as being normal, and take for granted that the march of technological progress – the only reality most of us have known – will continue. Few question very deeply the foundations of our societies, and even those who do recognize that change must occur rarely realize the extent to which that change will inevitably strike at the fundamental basis of modern existence. Globalization has peaked and will shortly be moving into reverse. The world will be a very different place as a result.


Solution Space

To use the word ‘solution’ is perhaps misleading, since it could be said to imply that circumstances exist which could allow us to continue business as usual, and this is not, in fact, the case. A crunch period cannot be avoided. We face an intractable predicament, and the consequences of overshoot are going to manifest no matter what we do. However, while we may not be able to prevent this from occurring, we can mitigate the impact and lay the foundation for a fundamentally different and more workable way of being in the world.

Acknowledging the non-negotiable allows us to avoid beating our heads against a brick wall, freeing us to focus on that which we can either influence or change, and acknowledging the limits within which we must operate, even in these areas, allows us to act far more effectively without wasting scarce resources on fantasies. There are plenty of actions which can be taken, but those with potential for building a viable future will be inexpensive, small-scale, simple, low-energy, community-based initiatives. It will be important to work with natural systems in accordance with permaculture principles, rather than in opposition to them as currently do so comprehensively.

We require viable ways forward across different timeframes, first to navigate the rapid-onset acute crisis which the bursting of a financial bubble will pitch us into, and then to reboot our global operating system into a form less reminiscent of a planet-killing ponzi scheme. The various limits we face do not manifest all at the same time, and so to some extent can be navigated sequentially. The first phase of our constrained future, which will be primarily financial and social, will occur before the onset of energy supply difficulties for instance. Some initiatives are of particular value at specific times, and other have general value across timescales.

Moving into financial contraction is going to feel like having the rug pulled out from under our feet, and all the assumptions upon which we have based our lives invalidated all at once. Preparing in advance can make all the difference to the impact of such an event. At an individual level, it is important to avoid holding debt and to hold cash on hand. It is also very useful to have prepared in advance by developing practical skills, obtaining control over the essentials of one’s own existence where possible and being located in an auspicious place. Human skills such as mediation and organizational ability will be very useful for calming inevitable social tensions.

However, community initiatives will have far greater impact than individual actions. The most effective paths will be those we choose to walk with others, as even in times when effective organizational scale is falling, it does not fall far enough to make acting individually the most adaptive strategy. Even in contractionary times, cooperation is not only possible, but vital. In the absence of lost institutional trust, it must occur within networks of genuine interpersonal trust, and these are of necessity small. Building such networks in advance of crisis is exceptionally important, as they are very much more difficult to construct after the fact, when we will be facing an unforgiving social atmosphere.

Cohesive communities will act together in times of crisis, and will be able to offer significant support to each other. The path dependency aspect is important – the state we find ourselves in when crisis hits will be an major determinant of how it plays out in a given area. Anything people come together to do will build social capital and relationships of trust, which are the foundation of society. Community gardens, perma-blitzes (permaculture garden make-overs), maker-spaces, time-banks, savings pools, local currency initiatives, community hub developments, skills training programmes, asset mapping and contingency planning are but a few of the possibilities for bringing people together.

Essential functions can be reclaimed locally, providing for far greater local self-sufficiency potential. The existence of locally-focused businesses, with local supply chains and local distribution networks for supplying essential goods and services will be a major advantage, hence establishing these in advance will be highly adaptive. Choosing to form them as cooperatives is likely to increase their resilience to external shocks as risks are shared. Where they can function at least partially through alternative trading arrangements, or as part of a local currency network, they can be even more beneficial.

Alternative trading arrangements are a particularly important component of local self-sufficiency during times of financial crisis, as they are able to mitigate the acute state of liquidity crunch which will be creating artificial scarcity. Implementing alternative means of trading will allow a much larger proportion of economic activity to survive, and this will allow many more people to be able to provide for themselves and their families. This in turn creates much greater social stability. Alternative currencies in particular are already being relied on in the countries at the forefront of financial crisis, which already find themselves facing liquidity shortage.

It is by no means necessary to wait until crisis hits before establishing such systems. Indeed they can have considerable value locally even in stable times. Since they only constitute money in one area, and, being fiat currencies, must necessarily operate within the trust horizon, they help to retain purchasing power locally, rather than allowing it to drain away continually. Once well established, alternative currencies can go from being parallel systems to being the major form of liquidity available locally.

Beyond a close-knit community, it will be very helpful to have an informed layer of local government, as this confers the potential for a top-down/bottom-up partnership between local government and the grass roots. Local government is capable of removing barriers to people looking after themselves, assisting with the propagation of successful grass roots initiatives and acting facilitate adaptive responses with the resources at its disposal, even though these will be for more limited than currently.

Contingency planning in advance for the distribution of scarce local resources would be wise. With the trust horizons drawing inwards, local government may be the largest scale of governance still lying within it, and therefore still effective. It operates at a far more human scale than larger political structures, and is far more likely to have the potential for transparency, accountability and reflexive learning.

That is not to say local government is necessarily endowed with these qualities at present. The odds of it becoming so will increase if informed and public spirited individuals get involved in local government as soon as possible, rather than setting their sights on regional or national government. Presiding over contraction will, however, be a thankless task, as constituents will tend to blame those in power for the fact that the pie is shrinking. The job will be a delicate balancing act under very trying circumstances as the fabric os society becomes tattered and torn, but as difficult as it will be, it will remain essential, and getting it right can make a very substantial difference.

Higher levels of government may currently appear to be the relevant seats of power, but are far less likely to be as important in a period of crisis as their response time is far too slow. It is possible that higher levels of government may temporarily be involved in useful rationing programmes, but beyond a certain point, the most important initiatives in practice are likely to be those profoundly local. National governments are more likely to generate additional problems rather than solutions, as they crack down on angry populations during an on-going loss of political legitimacy.

Given the fragility of trade in the future we are facing, programmes of import substitution could be useful, if there would be time to implement them before financial crisis deepens too substantially for the necessary larger-scale organizational capacity to fucntion. Being able to provide for the essentials, without having to rely on vulnerable international supply chains, is extremely beneficial, and food sovereignty in particular is critical.

Once trade withers, we will once again see tremendous regional disparities of fortune, based on differing local circumstances. It would be wise to research in advance what one’s own local circumstances are likely to be, in order to work out in advance how one might live within local limits. Getting expectations aligned with what reality can hope to deliver is a major part of adaptation without unnecessary stress.

In the longer term, we can expect to move through economic depression into some form of relative recovery, although we may see large scale conflict first, and will not, in any case, see a return to present circumstances. We will instead be adapting to the age of limits, mostly in an ad hoc manner due to on-going instability and consequent inability to plan for the long term. The bursting of a bubble on the scale of the one we have experienced has far reaching consequences that are likely to be felt for decades at least. In addition, our current condition of extreme carrying capacity overshoot means that we will actively be tightening our own limits, even as the population declines, by further cannibalizing remaining natural capital.

The operating system reboot which could lead to relative recovery would involve the restoration of some level of trust in the financial system, following the elimination of the huge mass of excess claims to underlying real wealth, and very likely the subsequent destabliization of a currency hyperinflation some years later (timeframe location dependent). We are very likely to see financial innovation, which is nothing more than another name for ponzi scheme, banned for a very long time, and likely the creation of money as interest bearing debt as well.

Humanity is in the habit of locking the door after the horse has bolted, so to speak, only restoring financial regulatory controls once it is too late. Once restored, regulations requiring plain vanilla finance will probably persist until  we have once again had time to forget the inevitable consequences of laissez faire. This will be measured in generations.

The small-scale initiatives which we need to navigate the crunch period could be scaled up as trust is slowly re-established. The speed at which this might happen, and the scale that might eventually be workable, are unclear, but it is not likely to be a rapid process, and scale is likely to remain small relative to today. Society will be lower-energy and therefore significantly simpler by then, with far smaller concentrations of population.

While some fossil fuels will no doubt be used for essential functions for quite some time to come, the majority of society will be excluded from what remains of the hydrocarbon age. We will likely have renewable energy systems, but not in the form of photovoltaic panels and high-tech electricity systems. Diffuse renewable energy can give us thermal energy, or motive power, or the ability to store energy as compressed air, all relatively simply, but at that point it will not be a technological civilization.

We are heading for a profoundly humbling experience, to put it mildly. Technological man is not the demigod he supposed himself to be, but merely the beneficiary of a fortuitous energy bonanza which temporarily allowed him to turn dreams into reality. We would do well, if we could summon up sufficient humility in advance, to learn from the simple and elegant technologies of the distant past, which we have largely discarded or forgotten.

We could also learn from present day places already constrained by limits – places which already operate simply and on a shoe-string budget both in terms of money and energy. It takes practice to learn to function without the structural dependencies we have constructed for ourselves, and the sooner we begin the learning curve, the better off we will be. Focusing on solution space for our ways forward would save us from countless blind alleys in the meantime.

This is the entire article. Part 1 is here:
Global Financial Crisis – Liquidity Crunch and Economic Depression,
Part 2 is here:
The Psychological Driver of Deflation and the Collapse of the Trust Horizon
Part 3 is here:
Declining Energy Profit Ratio and Socioeconomic Complexity
Part 4 is here:
Blind Alleys and Techno-Fantasies
and part 5 is here:
Solution Space

Aug 192015
 
 August 19, 2015  Posted by at 1:13 pm Finance Tagged with: , , , , , , ,  14 Responses »


Gustave Doré Dante looks upon the negligent rulers 1868

In case you missed it, we’re doing something a little different. Nicole wrote a very lenghty article and we decided to publish it in chapters. Over five days we are posting five different chapters of the article, one on each day, and then on day six the whole thing. Just so there’s no confusion: the article, all five chapters of it, was written by Nicole Foss.

This is part 5. Part 1 is here:
Global Financial Crisis – Liquidity Crunch and Economic Depression,
Part 2 is here:
The Psychological Driver of Deflation and the Collapse of the Trust Horizon
Part 3 is here:
Declining Energy Profit Ratio and Socioeconomic Complexity
and part 4 is here:
Blind Alleys and Techno-Fantasies


Solution Space

To use the word ‘solution’ is perhaps misleading, since it could be said to imply that circumstances exist which could allow us to continue business as usual, and this is not, in fact, the case. A crunch period cannot be avoided. We face an intractable predicament, and the consequences of overshoot are going to manifest no matter what we do. However, while we may not be able to prevent this from occurring, we can mitigate the impact and lay the foundation for a fundamentally different and more workable way of being in the world.

Acknowledging the non-negotiable allows us to avoid beating our heads against a brick wall, freeing us to focus on that which we can either influence or change, and acknowledging the limits within which we must operate, even in these areas, allows us to act far more effectively without wasting scarce resources on fantasies. There are plenty of actions which can be taken, but those with potential for building a viable future will be inexpensive, small-scale, simple, low-energy, community-based initiatives. It will be important to work with natural systems in accordance with permaculture principles, rather than in opposition to them as currently do so comprehensively.

We require viable ways forward across different timeframes, first to navigate the rapid-onset acute crisis which the bursting of a financial bubble will pitch us into, and then to reboot our global operating system into a form less reminiscent of a planet-killing ponzi scheme. The various limits we face do not manifest all at the same time, and so to some extent can be navigated sequentially. The first phase of our constrained future, which will be primarily financial and social, will occur before the onset of energy supply difficulties for instance. Some initiatives are of particular value at specific times, and other have general value across timescales.

Moving into financial contraction is going to feel like having the rug pulled out from under our feet, and all the assumptions upon which we have based our lives invalidated all at once. Preparing in advance can make all the difference to the impact of such an event. At an individual level, it is important to avoid holding debt and to hold cash on hand. It is also very useful to have prepared in advance by developing practical skills, obtaining control over the essentials of one’s own existence where possible and being located in an auspicious place. Human skills such as mediation and organizational ability will be very useful for calming inevitable social tensions.

However, community initiatives will have far greater impact than individual actions. The most effective paths will be those we choose to walk with others, as even in times when effective organizational scale is falling, it does not fall far enough to make acting individually the most adaptive strategy. Even in contractionary times, cooperation is not only possible, but vital. In the absence of lost institutional trust, it must occur within networks of genuine interpersonal trust, and these are of necessity small. Building such networks in advance of crisis is exceptionally important, as they are very much more difficult to construct after the fact, when we will be facing an unforgiving social atmosphere.

Cohesive communities will act together in times of crisis, and will be able to offer significant support to each other. The path dependency aspect is important – the state we find ourselves in when crisis hits will be an major determinant of how it plays out in a given area. Anything people come together to do will build social capital and relationships of trust, which are the foundation of society. Community gardens, perma-blitzes (permaculture garden make-overs), maker-spaces, time-banks, savings pools, local currency initiatives, community hub developments, skills training programmes, asset mapping and contingency planning are but a few of the possibilities for bringing people together.

Essential functions can be reclaimed locally, providing for far greater local self-sufficiency potential. The existence of locally-focused businesses, with local supply chains and local distribution networks for supplying essential goods and services will be a major advantage, hence establishing these in advance will be highly adaptive. Choosing to form them as cooperatives is likely to increase their resilience to external shocks as risks are shared. Where they can function at least partially through alternative trading arrangements, or as part of a local currency network, they can be even more beneficial.

Alternative trading arrangements are a particularly important component of local self-sufficiency during times of financial crisis, as they are able to mitigate the acute state of liquidity crunch which will be creating artificial scarcity. Implementing alternative means of trading will allow a much larger proportion of economic activity to survive, and this will allow many more people to be able to provide for themselves and their families. This in turn creates much greater social stability. Alternative currencies in particular are already being relied on in the countries at the forefront of financial crisis, which already find themselves facing liquidity shortage.

It is by no means necessary to wait until crisis hits before establishing such systems. Indeed they can have considerable value locally even in stable times. Since they only constitute money in one area, and, being fiat currencies, must necessarily operate within the trust horizon, they help to retain purchasing power locally, rather than allowing it to drain away continually. Once well established, alternative currencies can go from being parallel systems to being the major form of liquidity available locally.

Beyond a close-knit community, it will be very helpful to have an informed layer of local government, as this confers the potential for a top-down/bottom-up partnership between local government and the grass roots. Local government is capable of removing barriers to people looking after themselves, assisting with the propagation of successful grass roots initiatives and acting facilitate adaptive responses with the resources at its disposal, even though these will be for more limited than currently.

Contingency planning in advance for the distribution of scarce local resources would be wise. With the trust horizons drawing inwards, local government may be the largest scale of governance still lying within it, and therefore still effective. It operates at a far more human scale than larger political structures, and is far more likely to have the potential for transparency, accountability and reflexive learning.

That is not to say local government is necessarily endowed with these qualities at present. The odds of it becoming so will increase if informed and public spirited individuals get involved in local government as soon as possible, rather than setting their sights on regional or national government. Presiding over contraction will, however, be a thankless task, as constituents will tend to blame those in power for the fact that the pie is shrinking. The job will be a delicate balancing act under very trying circumstances as the fabric os society becomes tattered and torn, but as difficult as it will be, it will remain essential, and getting it right can make a very substantial difference.

Higher levels of government may currently appear to be the relevant seats of power, but are far less likely to be as important in a period of crisis as their response time is far too slow. It is possible that higher levels of government may temporarily be involved in useful rationing programmes, but beyond a certain point, the most important initiatives in practice are likely to be those profoundly local. National governments are more likely to generate additional problems rather than solutions, as they crack down on angry populations during an on-going loss of political legitimacy.

Given the fragility of trade in the future we are facing, programmes of import substitution could be useful, if there would be time to implement them before financial crisis deepens too substantially for the necessary larger-scale organizational capacity to fucntion. Being able to provide for the essentials, without having to rely on vulnerable international supply chains, is extremely beneficial, and food sovereignty in particular is critical.

Once trade withers, we will once again see tremendous regional disparities of fortune, based on differing local circumstances. It would be wise to research in advance what one’s own local circumstances are likely to be, in order to work out in advance how one might live within local limits. Getting expectations aligned with what reality can hope to deliver is a major part of adaptation without unnecessary stress.

In the longer term, we can expect to move through economic depression into some form of relative recovery, although we may see large scale conflict first, and will not, in any case, see a return to present circumstances. We will instead be adapting to the age of limits, mostly in an ad hoc manner due to on-going instability and consequent inability to plan for the long term. The bursting of a bubble on the scale of the one we have experienced has far reaching consequences that are likely to be felt for decades at least. In addition, our current condition of extreme carrying capacity overshoot means that we will actively be tightening our own limits, even as the population declines, by further cannibalizing remaining natural capital.

The operating system reboot which could lead to relative recovery would involve the restoration of some level of trust in the financial system, following the elimination of the huge mass of excess claims to underlying real wealth, and very likely the subsequent destabliization of a currency hyperinflation some years later (timeframe location dependent). We are very likely to see financial innovation, which is nothing more than another name for ponzi scheme, banned for a very long time, and likely the creation of money as interest bearing debt as well.

Humanity is in the habit of locking the door after the horse has bolted, so to speak, only restoring financial regulatory controls once it is too late. Once restored, regulations requiring plain vanilla finance will probably persist until  we have once again had time to forget the inevitable consequences of laissez faire. This will be measured in generations.

The small-scale initiatives which we need to navigate the crunch period could be scaled up as trust is slowly re-established. The speed at which this might happen, and the scale that might eventually be workable, are unclear, but it is not likely to be a rapid process, and scale is likely to remain small relative to today. Society will be lower-energy and therefore significantly simpler by then, with far smaller concentrations of population.

While some fossil fuels will no doubt be used for essential functions for quite some time to come, the majority of society will be excluded from what remains of the hydrocarbon age. We will likely have renewable energy systems, but not in the form of photovoltaic panels and high-tech electricity systems. Diffuse renewable energy can give us thermal energy, or motive power, or the ability to store energy as compressed air, all relatively simply, but at that point it will not be a technological civilization.

We are heading for a profoundly humbling experience, to put it mildly. Technological man is not the demigod he supposed himself to be, but merely the beneficiary of a fortuitous energy bonanza which temporarily allowed him to turn dreams into reality. We would do well, if we could summon up sufficient humility in advance, to learn from the simple and elegant technologies of the distant past, which we have largely discarded or forgotten.

We could also learn from present day places already constrained by limits – places which already operate simply and on a shoe-sting budget both in terms of money and energy. It takes practice to learn to function without the structural dependencies we have constructed for ourselves, and the sooner we begin the learning curve, the better off we will be. Focusing on solution space for our ways forward would save us from countless blind alleys in the meantime.

This is part 5. Part 1 is here:
Global Financial Crisis – Liquidity Crunch and Economic Depression,
Part 2 is here:
The Psychological Driver of Deflation and the Collapse of the Trust Horizon
Part 3 is here:
Declining Energy Profit Ratio and Socioeconomic Complexity
and part 4 is here:
Blind Alleys and Techno-Fantasies

Tune back in tomorrow for the article in its entirety.